Partido Lakas ng Masa has launched Ang Masa online. It is the online version of the party's periodical of the same name. The website is www.angmasa.com.
The thing looks neat. But what's more significant is that it's one of the few non-ND magazines of the Left available online. Earlier, the Center for Peoples Media was also launched, providing multi-sectoral grassroots struggles coverage in the Philippines.
Thursday, July 27, 2017
Sunday, July 23, 2017
Duterte's Martial Law stands on weak ground
Rodrigo Duterte has reportedly extended Martial Law in Mindanao until December. That act by Congress is brazen, considering that the survey numbers on Martial Law point to its shaky foundations on the public.
• SWS reports that on a national view, 57% of Filipinos support Martial Law for the whole of Mindanao. What the SWS doesn't say is that net approval on the same is only +17. Net approval is approval minus disapproval, and disapproval for Martial Law for the whole of Mindanao is quite high at 40%.
• Filipinos approve of Martial Law only in Mindanao. They don't want Martial Law for the Visayas and Luzon.
Filipinos may approve of Martial Law to address the war in Mindanao. It's an entirely different matter outside of Mindanao, where approval for Martial Law drops down to 20% (but more on this later).
Should Duterte think of bringing ML to the national capital, he will face significant opposition. Almost seven out of 10 Filipinos disagree with Martial Law being implemented in Luzon. Note that this figure is higher than the national public approval for Martial Law in Mindanao, which is only 57%.
• In fact, the 20% public approval for Martial Law in Luzon is only a result of respondents from Mindanao pulling the averages. Without Mindanao respondents, approval for Martial Law drops down to only 13% of the population. Mindanaoans very highly approve of Martial Law for the entire country. Respondents from Mindanao are the only category of respondents with a net positive approval for Martial Law. Why is this?
Well, for one, they're the ones getting inconvenienced by the war. Another thing, let's not forget that Mindanao is a Duterte base. They love Duterte there.
• Support for Martial Law thus appears to be a product of 1) contingency; and 2) historical disconnect. Consider this: Approval for a Luzon-based Martial Law is highest among those within the 18-24 age bracket. This is the generation born after 1993.
Conversely, Martial Law is most unpopular among those who are aged 55 and above. Net disagreement with ML from this age group is highest at -54. They also register the highest disagreement at 71%. This is the group of respondents whose youngest members were born in 1962, 10 years before Marcos' Martial Law declaration in 1972.
Support for Martial Law is contingent on the war -- on the supposed need to counter the forces of "terrorism," which is how the government has framed it. Again, the highest support comes from people from Mindanao, the people most affected by the conflict.
The same groups who support for Martial Law for Mindanao -- older people, and people from Metro Manila -- are the same ones who don't want it being implemented elsewhere. For them, this is really just about the war, and nothing else.
What do the numbers tell us, then? To counter Martial Law, I think the strategic point is to show that the war is actually over, and the enemy has been subdued. To continue getting popular support for ML, Duterte will likely play up on the people's fears and say that ISIS is still a very potent force. Toward this end, he will get a lot of help from many of the country's supposed "terrorism experts" in instilling fear among the public.
A history drive is in order. The story of Martial Law needs constant retelling. We have to bring down the 26% approval for Martial Law among the youth to 0%.
Finally, we can see that at least Duterte is still following fairly predictable behavior. He imposed ML in a region he knew would support it wholeheartedly. A Rodrigo Duterte pushing for expanding the coverage of Martial Law elsewhere will be a sign to watch out for.
For now, he has committed his first mistake -- extending a military policy that no one likes outside of his own home base.
• SWS reports that on a national view, 57% of Filipinos support Martial Law for the whole of Mindanao. What the SWS doesn't say is that net approval on the same is only +17. Net approval is approval minus disapproval, and disapproval for Martial Law for the whole of Mindanao is quite high at 40%.
• Filipinos approve of Martial Law only in Mindanao. They don't want Martial Law for the Visayas and Luzon.
Filipinos may approve of Martial Law to address the war in Mindanao. It's an entirely different matter outside of Mindanao, where approval for Martial Law drops down to 20% (but more on this later).
Should Duterte think of bringing ML to the national capital, he will face significant opposition. Almost seven out of 10 Filipinos disagree with Martial Law being implemented in Luzon. Note that this figure is higher than the national public approval for Martial Law in Mindanao, which is only 57%.
• In fact, the 20% public approval for Martial Law in Luzon is only a result of respondents from Mindanao pulling the averages. Without Mindanao respondents, approval for Martial Law drops down to only 13% of the population. Mindanaoans very highly approve of Martial Law for the entire country. Respondents from Mindanao are the only category of respondents with a net positive approval for Martial Law. Why is this?
Well, for one, they're the ones getting inconvenienced by the war. Another thing, let's not forget that Mindanao is a Duterte base. They love Duterte there.
• Support for Martial Law thus appears to be a product of 1) contingency; and 2) historical disconnect. Consider this: Approval for a Luzon-based Martial Law is highest among those within the 18-24 age bracket. This is the generation born after 1993.
Conversely, Martial Law is most unpopular among those who are aged 55 and above. Net disagreement with ML from this age group is highest at -54. They also register the highest disagreement at 71%. This is the group of respondents whose youngest members were born in 1962, 10 years before Marcos' Martial Law declaration in 1972.
Support for Martial Law is contingent on the war -- on the supposed need to counter the forces of "terrorism," which is how the government has framed it. Again, the highest support comes from people from Mindanao, the people most affected by the conflict.
The same groups who support for Martial Law for Mindanao -- older people, and people from Metro Manila -- are the same ones who don't want it being implemented elsewhere. For them, this is really just about the war, and nothing else.
What do the numbers tell us, then? To counter Martial Law, I think the strategic point is to show that the war is actually over, and the enemy has been subdued. To continue getting popular support for ML, Duterte will likely play up on the people's fears and say that ISIS is still a very potent force. Toward this end, he will get a lot of help from many of the country's supposed "terrorism experts" in instilling fear among the public.
A history drive is in order. The story of Martial Law needs constant retelling. We have to bring down the 26% approval for Martial Law among the youth to 0%.
Finally, we can see that at least Duterte is still following fairly predictable behavior. He imposed ML in a region he knew would support it wholeheartedly. A Rodrigo Duterte pushing for expanding the coverage of Martial Law elsewhere will be a sign to watch out for.
For now, he has committed his first mistake -- extending a military policy that no one likes outside of his own home base.
Saturday, July 22, 2017
DECLARATION OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE AGAINST DICTATORSHIP
We are Filipinos coming from different backgrounds, faiths and political persuasions who disagree on... many things. Some of us are from Mindanao; others from Visayas and Luzon. Some of us are workers, fishers, or farmers; others are students or professionals. Many of us are men; but many of us are also women or LGBTs. Some of us are “millennials”; but some of us are older. Some of us are convinced of the need to reform the system; but others also believe in the need for revolution.
But despite all our differences, we have come together today because of the growing threat of dictatorship.
President Rodrigo Duterte is now stepping up his attacks on the people: He has been consistent in promoting patronage politics, impunity while attacking our patrimony and the ideals of democracy and sovereignty.
Even as he promises various concessions, he continues to deny us a life of dignity and fails to deliver on basic social services. He has attacked workers by legitimizing “contractualization.” He has attacked the urban and rural poor by upholding the country’s inequitable land distribution, promoting land-grabbing, and failing to guarantee dignified housing. He threatens to attack us all by pushing for regressive tax measures that put the burden of taxation on the backs of the poor. He threatens to attack us all by pushing for a kind of federalism that will only enhance the power of warlords and political dynasties. He is depriving people of the opportunity to participate at the local level by foregoing the barangay elections.
At the same time, Duterte is also gradually putting in place a more authoritarian, if not a fascist, regime: He has imposed--and extended--martial law in Mindanao, and he has threatened to impose martial law in the entire country. We see this now as he has consolidated his grip on the legislature and the judiciary He is continuing to wage a violent ‘war on drugs’ that violates human rights and civil liberties. He has glorified the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos by burying him in a cemetery for heroes—and he supports Bongbong Marcos’ bid for the vice presidency. He has been persecuting his critics and he has constantly attacked human rights activists. He has been normalizing violence against women with his persistent reference to rape, sexist remarks, slut shaming, and macho posturing.
We have come together because all this represents a clear and present danger to us all—regardless of our class, our age, our gender and sexual orientation, and our political persuasion. A repressive dictatorship protecting an inequitable, warlord-dominated, elitist system, will not only lead to state terrorism and more widespread human rights violations, it will also take us farther away from the fairer, more just and more equal society we all dream of.
We have come together because we need each other to fight this threat and to defend our values.
Together, we commit to continue building the movement by pursuing the difficult process of building a broad but principled united front against dictatorship and elite democracy.
Together, we will fight for real democracy and social justice. Together, we will light each other’s way in this time of darkness.
We enjoin everyone to join the fight.
Harangin ang diktadura! Baguhin ang sistema!
NATIONAL CONFERENCE AGAINST DICTATORSHIP
21 July 2017
(To endorse this Declaration, or to get involved in future meetings/actions, write to blockmarcos@protonmail.com)
https://web.facebook.com/BlockMarcosNow/posts/292421974567055
President Rodrigo Duterte is now stepping up his attacks on the people: He has been consistent in promoting patronage politics, impunity while attacking our patrimony and the ideals of democracy and sovereignty.
Even as he promises various concessions, he continues to deny us a life of dignity and fails to deliver on basic social services. He has attacked workers by legitimizing “contractualization.” He has attacked the urban and rural poor by upholding the country’s inequitable land distribution, promoting land-grabbing, and failing to guarantee dignified housing. He threatens to attack us all by pushing for regressive tax measures that put the burden of taxation on the backs of the poor. He threatens to attack us all by pushing for a kind of federalism that will only enhance the power of warlords and political dynasties. He is depriving people of the opportunity to participate at the local level by foregoing the barangay elections.
At the same time, Duterte is also gradually putting in place a more authoritarian, if not a fascist, regime: He has imposed--and extended--martial law in Mindanao, and he has threatened to impose martial law in the entire country. We see this now as he has consolidated his grip on the legislature and the judiciary He is continuing to wage a violent ‘war on drugs’ that violates human rights and civil liberties. He has glorified the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos by burying him in a cemetery for heroes—and he supports Bongbong Marcos’ bid for the vice presidency. He has been persecuting his critics and he has constantly attacked human rights activists. He has been normalizing violence against women with his persistent reference to rape, sexist remarks, slut shaming, and macho posturing.
We have come together because all this represents a clear and present danger to us all—regardless of our class, our age, our gender and sexual orientation, and our political persuasion. A repressive dictatorship protecting an inequitable, warlord-dominated, elitist system, will not only lead to state terrorism and more widespread human rights violations, it will also take us farther away from the fairer, more just and more equal society we all dream of.
We have come together because we need each other to fight this threat and to defend our values.
Together, we commit to continue building the movement by pursuing the difficult process of building a broad but principled united front against dictatorship and elite democracy.
Together, we will fight for real democracy and social justice. Together, we will light each other’s way in this time of darkness.
We enjoin everyone to join the fight.
Harangin ang diktadura! Baguhin ang sistema!
NATIONAL CONFERENCE AGAINST DICTATORSHIP
21 July 2017
(To endorse this Declaration, or to get involved in future meetings/actions, write to blockmarcos@protonmail.com)
https://web.facebook.com/BlockMarcosNow/posts/292421974567055
Friday, July 21, 2017
REPOST: BMP: Unang Taon ng Rehimeng Duterte: Bogus na Pagbabago ng Kapitalista’t Reaksyonaryong Gobyerno
ISANG taon na ang rehimen. Kung dati’y sinasabi ng marami na maaring pagbigyan si Duterte dahil siya ay nasa transisyon pa mula sa dating meyor ng Davao tungo sa pagiging pangulo ng bansa, maari nang husgahan ang kanyang isang taon sa pagitan ng dalawang SONA.
Sa ikalawang SONA ni Duterte, ni anino ng “Change is coming” ay hindi pa rin naaaninag ng mamamayang Pilipino, laluna ng masang manggagawa. Napako ang lahat ng mga pangako. Naglaho na tila bula ang mga repormang itinalumpati para makuha ang boto ng 16 milyong Pilipino. Kung mayroon man tayong nasasaksihang pagbabago, ito ay ang tuminding kahirapan, karahasan, at kaguluhan sa buhay ng mayoryang mahihirap!
Tumitinding Kahirapan
Iba si Duterte sa nagdaang mga pangulo. Walang pretensyon sa pagiging modelo ng “good manners and right conduct” bilang pangulo ng bansa. Isang butangero. Magaspang. Matapang magsalita. Subalit iba ang kanyang ginagawa. Kabaliktaran ng kanyang mga salita.
Kontraktwalisasyon: Para sa manggagawang sahuran, ang pinakamapait na kasingalingan ni Duterte ay ang pangakong “contractualization must stop”. Sapagkat walang nagbago. Tuloy ang endo. Tuloy ang ligaya, hindi lamang ng mga contractor at subcontractor kundi ng mga prinsipal na employer na patuloy na masusuplayan ng mura at maamong kontraktwal na manggagawa. Ang nilabas na Department Order 174 ni DOLE Sec. Bello ay kabaliktaran sa ipinangako ni Duterte. Ngunit hindi siya kinakastigo ng Palasyo! Wala ring Executive Order para iwasto ang kalokohan ni Sec. Bello. Trabahong regular, hindi kontraktwal!
Tax reform: Nagmamalaki ang gobyerno na “pro-poor” daw ang kanilang panukalang pagrereporma sa sistema ng pagbubuwis. Kailangan daw ito sa mga proyekto ng “build, build, build” na papakinabangan ng taumbayan. Pero sino ang kakargo ng pasaning pagbubuwis? Ang mga mahihirap! Sapagkat ang itataas nila ang excise tax sa mga produktong petrolyo at inuming may-asukal. Pasasaklawin din ang VAT. Tatanggalin ang eksempsyon sa VAT sa renta o pangungupahan na nagkakahalagang P10,000 kada buwan.
Tataas ang presyo ng mga bilihin sa balak na tax reform. Sapagkat ang pangunahing dadagdagan ng tax ay ang produktong petrolyo, na ginagamit sa transportasyon ng mga tao at mga produkto – at sa paglikha ng kuryente. Tataas ang upa ng mga maliit na komersyante, dahil sa VAT, at babawiin nila ito sa presyo ng kanilang mga paninda. Hindi na din eksempted sa VAT ang low-cost at socialized housing!
Nagkukunwari pa silang ibabalanse daw ang sistema ng pagbubuwis dahil itataas sa P250,000 ang eksempsyon sa personal income tax. Kalokohan! Ang milyon-milyong manggagawa, na karamiha’y kontraktwal sa maliliit na mga establisyemento at kumikita ng minimum wage, ay hindi na kinakaltasan ng withholding tax. Ang mahihirap na 60% ng mga pamilyang Pilipino ay hindi nabubuhay sa sahod, kumikita ng mas mababa sa minimum wage, at nasa underground economy. Hindi sila kasali sa income tax exemption! Ang mga mayayaman ang mas makikinabang sa pagtataas ng eksempsyon sa income tax! At tila hindi pa sila nasiyahan dito, ibaba din nila ang buwis sa kita ng mga korporasyon at estate tax (buwis sa mga pag-aari ng isang yumao bago ipamana sa kanyang benepisyaryo). Tax the rich, not the poor!
Mababang sahod. Nananatili ang kontraktwalisasyon. Mababa pa rin ang sweldo. Hindi na nga sapat para mabuhay ng disente’t marangal ang isang pamilya ng manggagawa. Lalo pa itong liliit sa pagsasabatas ng TRAIN o Tax Reform Acceleration and Inclusion sa 2018, na magtataas sa presyo ng mga bilihin at magbabagsal sa tunay na halaga ng sweldo. Isabatas ang living wage, buwagin ang mga wage board!
Demolisyon at pabahay. Sabi ni Duterte, wala raw madedemolis kung walang relokasyon. Subalit maraming pampublikong proyekto – kasama ang mula sa mga local government, ang nagreresulta sa pwersahang ebiksyon ng mga maralita, kahit hindi pa naisasayos ang kanilang relokasyon.
Ilan lamang dito ang sa Tatalon sa Quezon City, sa Minuyan sa Bulacan, at Langaray Market sa Malabon. Dadami pa ito sa binabalak na “golden age of infrastructure” sa termino ni Duterte. Wala pa ring policy ang Palasyo ukol sa mura at disenteng pabahay sa masang maralita.
Kaya’t sa mga proyektong pang-relokasyon (tulad ng nabulgar sa pabahay na inokupa ng Kadamay sa Bulacan), nananatili ang problema ng kawalan ng serbisyo. Malayo sa hanapbuhay, sa paaralan, sa ospital, atbp. Nasa liblib na karatig-probinsya ng Metro Manila. Minsa’y problema pa ang mismong linya ng tubig at kuryente. Ang masahol, napakamahal pa! Kaya’t tuloy pa rin ang problema ng foreclosure sa mga residenteng hindi makapagbayad ng mga amortisasyon, atbp. Binabawi lamang ng bangko. Habang tumatabo sa tubo ang mga real estate developer, mga opisyal ng local government, at mga bangko’t pinansyer, na tanging nakinabang sa mga proyektong pabahay ng gobyerno. Maayos na relokasyon bago demolisyon! Ipatupad ang Konstitusyunal na probisyon sa mura, ligtas at disenteng pabahay para sa masa!
Pag-atake sa oligarkiya. Aatakehin daw ni Digong ang “oligarkiya” o ang iilang mga pamilya na patuloy sa pagyaman sa kabila ng lumalalang kahirapan ng nakararami. Noong Agosto 2016, ang pinagsamang pagaari ng 50 pinakamayaman sa bansa ay nagkakahalagang $79.47 Bilyon o 27.58% ng gross domestic product o GDP. Mas mataas kumpara noong 2013, na nasa $65.8 Bilyon o 24% ng GDP.
Katunayan, ang pondong tutustos sa mga proyektong pang-imprastraktura ng Dutertenomics - na nagkakahalagang walo hanggang siyam na trilyong piso (P8-9 trilyon) hanggang 2022 - ay magmumula sa bagong buwis (na papasanin ng mahihirap) at bagong mga pautang.
Sa mga uutangin, 80% ay mula sa mga domestic loans (ibig sabihin, BDO ni Henry Sy, BPI ni Ayala, Metrobank ni Ty, RCBC ni Yuchengco, atbp. na pawang mga oligarkiyang sinabi ni Duterte na kanyang tutugisin!). Habang 20% ang mula sa dayuhang pautang (kasama ang Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank o AIIB), na pinangunahan ng Tsina at kanyang binantaan noon laban sa paghihimasok at pag-angkin sa mga isla sa West Philippine Sea!). Redistribusyon ng yaman!
Pag-atake sa Estados Unidos: Si Duterte raw ay para sa isang “independyenteng patakarang panlabas”. Ayaw daw niya sa panghihimasok ng Amerika. Ngunit hindi niya nilalansag ang kasunduang militar gaya ng Mutual Defense Treaty, Visiting Forces Agreement, Enchanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, atbp. Bumaliktad din siya sa mga nauna niyang pagkontra sa pagpasok ng tropang Amerikano, pinayagan niya itong sumali sa operasyon laban sa grupong Maute. Lansagin ang dominasyon ng imperyalistang Amerika sa ekonomya’t pulitika ng bansa!
Pagwasak ng Kalikasan at Pagmimina. Dati animo’y kumakampi si Duterte kay Gina Lopez para proteksyunan ang kalikasan. Subalit hinayaan niya itong malaglag sa Senado. Binabawi na ni DENR Sec Cimatu ang mga suspensyon sa pagmimina na iginawad ni Lopez. Ang pagkawasak sa kalikasan ang sisira sa agrikulturang pangunahing ikinabubuhay ng ating mga kababayan sa kanayunan. Labanan ang mapanira at malakihang pagmimina at pagtotroso!
Umiigting na Karahasan at Kaguluhan
Panghuli, at higit sa lahat, sa unang taon ni Duterte, naging saksi tayo sa kaliwa’t kanang patayan at pagkawalang-bahala sa proseso ng batas. Libo-libo na ang pinatay ng “War on Drugs”, karamiha’y mga mahihirap na adik at tulak. Ngayo’y idinidikit na nila ang isyu ng droga sa gyera kontra terorismo. May mga nagpapanukala pang patagalin at/o palawigin ang Batas Militar sa buong bansa upang magamit ang kamay na bakal na estado sa lahat ng kalaban ng republika.
Nililikha ng mga pwersa ng reaksyon ang isang klima ng takot, pananahimik, at pag-aatubiling punahin ang mga ginagawa ni Duterte, na kung hahayaang magtagumpay ay tutungo sa tuluyang paglusaw sa ating mga demokratikong karapatan. Laluna sa kalayaang lumaban sa pang-aapi’t pang-aabuso ng iilang mayyaman at may-kapangyarihan - sa pamamagitan ng malayang pagtitipon, sama-samang pagkilos, at sariling pag-oorganisa.
Ang klima ng takot at pagsawalang-kibo ang pinakapaborableng kondisyon para sa malawakang pandarambong, hindi lang ng mga burukrata’t opisyal na magpipiyesta sa pinalaking buwis na kokolektahin ng gobyerno kundi ng mga malalaking kapitalista magiging kasosyo’t pinansyer sa mga proyektong pangimprastraktura, mga kontrata sa pagtotroso at pagmimina, at sa lahat ng likas at likhang yamang mula sa kalikasan at paggawa sa Pilipinas. Labanan ang pasistang atake sa mga kalayaang sibil at karapatang pantao!
Mga kauri at kababayan! Huwag tayong magpaloko sa mga pretensyon ni Duterte. Bogus ang ipinangakong pagbabago ng “Change is coming”! Kiskisin natin ang nakalambong na ilusyon upang tumambad sa atin na ang kasalukuyang pangulo ay tagapagpatupad lamang ng interes ng malalaking kapital. Ito ang katotohanang aming ipinababatid sa milyon-milyong umaasa pa rin sa kanilang bulaang manunubos. Sama-sama nating isulong at ipagtanggol ang ating mga karapatan at kabuhayan tungo sa tunay na pagbabagong matagal nang inaasam ng manggagawa’t mamamayang Pilipino. #
Sunday, July 9, 2017
A definition for Socialism
In his recent article for the New York Times, Jacobin Magazine founder Bhaskar Sunkara writes:
How do we get there?
Of course, in the Philippines, true believers within the Left have automatic contempt for the "SD" word, helped in no small way by Akbayan which ended up as an apologist for a neoliberal regime . But as Philippine society descends into barbarism, perhaps it is time to think of alternatives to the RA-RJ paradigm?
Stripped down to its essence, and returned to its roots, socialism is an ideology of radical democracy. In an era when liberties are under attack, it seeks to empower civil society to allow participation in the decisions that affect our lives. A huge state bureaucracy, of course, can be just as alienating and undemocratic as corporate boardrooms, so we need to think hard about the new forms that social ownership could take.
Some broad outlines should already be clear: Worker-owned cooperatives, still competing in a regulated market; government services coordinated with the aid of citizen planning; and the provision of the basics necessary to live a good life (education, housing and health care) guaranteed as social rights. In other words, a world where people have the freedom to reach their potentials, whatever the circumstances of their birth.
How do we get there?
That project entails a return to social democracy. Not the social democracy of François Hollande, but that of the early days of the Second International. This social democracy would involve a commitment to a free civil society, especially for oppositional voices; the need for institutional checks and balances on power; and a vision of a transition to socialism that does not require a “year zero” break with the present.
Of course, in the Philippines, true believers within the Left have automatic contempt for the "SD" word, helped in no small way by Akbayan which ended up as an apologist for a neoliberal regime . But as Philippine society descends into barbarism, perhaps it is time to think of alternatives to the RA-RJ paradigm?
Friday, July 7, 2017
Duterte hits peak public satisfaction rating -- SWS
Although Rodrigo Duterte's approval rating went down in March (a separate survey conducted by SWS rival Pulse Asia), SWS's most recent report showed Rodrigo Duterte attaining a satisfaction rating of +66. "Satisfaction" is the difference between "satisfied" and "dissatisfied" respondents.
This net satisfaction rating is the highest since Duterte took office. The results probably should not come as surprising. It is expected, in the sense that net satisfaction does not really drop dramatically until an administration's third year. Duterte's public net satisfaction also traces the pattern of presidents past, with the exception of the Aquino II regime. Note that Aquino II still has the highest average entire-term public net satisfaction compared with all post-EDSA presidents.
This net satisfaction rating is the highest since Duterte took office. The results probably should not come as surprising. It is expected, in the sense that net satisfaction does not really drop dramatically until an administration's third year. Duterte's public net satisfaction also traces the pattern of presidents past, with the exception of the Aquino II regime. Note that Aquino II still has the highest average entire-term public net satisfaction compared with all post-EDSA presidents.
Wednesday, July 5, 2017
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)