I
As Leftists, how should we approach the
struggle for human rights? Currently we live in a society where killings have
become the norm. Anybody can just kill, as long as he is in a possession of a
marker and a cardboard. Likewise, anybody can just be killed.
Sectors of the Philippine Left have so far
led the staunchest opposition to the killings. As early as July, the
coalition In Defense of Human Rights and Dignity Movement or iDEFEND was formed. iDEFEND describes itself as "a coalition of non-government organizations, people’s organizations, individual HRDs, human rights lawyers, religious sector and members of the academe."
Leading Filipino intellectual and iDEFEND leader Walden Bello has provided the clearest
theoretical guide on how to struggle for human rights in his article "An Administration in Search of an Opposition," which was originally
published in the Rappler.
This piece is meant to comment on Bello's
"An Administration in Search" essay, and proposes a different view on
how the Radical Left can effectively struggle for human rights under Duterte's
killing regime.
II
According to Bello, human rights should be
defended because these are the foundation for all other sorts of rights.
Without recognition of such "basic" rights as the right to life,
freedom, and due process, the attainment of other rights such as the right to
be free from poverty and to a life with dignity cannot follow.
Accordingly, Bello said an Opposition
movement to Rodrigo Duterte should come from the position of defending human
rights. In his condluding words, "a strong opposition based on the defense
of universal human rights is the best way to ensure the future of Philippine
democracy."
There are a number of potential problems
with this formulation, especially from the standpoint of an openly radical
Socialist and anti-Capitalist politics. But then, this is perhaps precisely the
first point of divergence.
In his writings, Walden Bello often
champions progressive values in front of a broad political audience. Even in
his essential work on political economy, The Anti-Development State,
Bello has avoided talking directly about Socialism. This is understandable,
considering that even in his Rappler piece, Bello argues that even concepts
supposedly as basic as "human rights" are far removed from the
Filipino consciousness. How much more socialism? Thus, even while critiquing
the neoliberal economic framework of Capitalism, Bello's recommendations end up
taking the form of pro-"Economic Development" and
"Democracy" rhetoric.
But we all understand that economic
development under Capitalism is economic development only for the ruling
elites. And a formally "democratic" (neo)liberal regime cannot
guarantee an appreciation for human rights among the public. Something else is
needed.
III
But perhaps the key difference between
the Bello formulation and other radical Leftist assessments is one around the
notion of universality and the supposed inherent sacredness of "human
rights." Bello appears to approve of this latter type of formulation.
A radical Leftist take on this question can
go like this:
Human rights are not innate or universal or
true at all times and at all places. They do not in fact belong to human beings
just by the mere fact of being born. Human rights are not attributes belonging
to human beings which the community is then encouraged to observe and respect.
Rather, a more effective use of the concept
would be to present human rights as exhortations for each and every single
member of society to recognize -- and struggle for -- the betterment of their
fellow members in society.
Formulated this way, we do not have
"innate" rights. What we have is a promise -- or a conviction -- that
the community will be able to provide us with a world that will allow each of
us to reach our full potential as human beings. But what guarantees this
promise is nothing else than the social and political order we have built for
ourselves to realize these very goals.
Without a society that guarantees the
betterment of each and every single member, no human rights can exist. And
without a politics that allows us to distinguish the oppressor and the
oppressed in society, no human rights consciousness can advance.
At present, this politics is the politics of
Socialism.
IV
Thus, a more effective human rights campaign
in the country can be carried out with a reinvigoration of radical Leftist
politics. This is the sort of politics that will categorically state that the
achievement of life's fullness under Capitalism is a dead end.
Given that the overwhelming characteristic
of the Philippine society is grave economic inequality, a meaningful struggle
for human rights must place poverty – by the destruction of the capitalist
order which propagates this inequality –
at the forefront of its agenda.
What actually killed any appreciation of
human rights in this country is the mass poverty that our people suffer day by
day. In a society where poverty riots, people will not value life. In such a
society, life is in fact cheap. That the mass of Filipinos do not find the
daily loss of life alarming speaks directly of the value of life to them. In a
situation of mass poverty and misery, what difference would it make if some
scalawag that has taken a bit of drugs will be gunned down by the police, when
people who don't do drugs don't have much of a life to show for anyway?
In struggling for positive rights -- the
main content of Socialist politics -- we can most effectively give life to the
notion of human rights. From a strategic standpoint, this would also make more
sense to the Filipino masses as it speaks more closely to their own day-by-day
concerns. Instead of telling them to recognize such a grand concept as “human
rights,” we can show them that the very struggle for a decent wage, for regular
employment, for land reform, for an end to discrimination -- constitute the
very best promise of the human rights concept.
Besides, arguing only for fundamental rights
makes the Left no different from bourgeois liberals who campaign just as
tirelessly as the Left in this arena. And yet, as Bello himself said in a
recent interview with Jacobin Magazine, the Left should exercise caution not to
fall into the trap of being led by the traditional bourgeois elites in
being in opposition to Rodrigo Duterte.
Already, we are seeing the increasing voice
of entities like the Church, the New York-based Human Rights Watch, and, sadly,
the Americans and other international "human rights groups" – actors
who have not uttered a peep about the mass social inequality that has plagued
our country for years. (Indeed, actors who may have directly or indirectly contributed
to our society's present state.)
The proposal is thus to aim for a socialist
society where poverty is not the overruling factor that determines an
individual's life, where one can attain not only the dignity of living as, but
also living with fellow human beings whose lives are not determined by
the contingencies of want. Hopefully, by this, we can revive a new struggle for
Socialism.
Erik Olin Wright's formulation of "values" I believe is a useful way to break down the overlapping principles between liberal democratic human rights and desirable principles of Leftists politics. Four fundamental values are efficiency, fairness, democracy, and freedom. The fulfillment of these values can sometimes infringe upon the flourishing of others, and different parts of the political spectrum have different views of these trade-offs. I think it is important for the Left to build a coherent meaning of these values which also includes basic ones surrounding due process which liberal democracy takes as fundamental. https://www.ssc.wisc.edu/~wright/ContemporaryAmericanSociety/Chapter%201%20--%20Introduction--Norton%20August.pdf
ReplyDeletethanks. some of the inputs are supposed to have come from arendt, falk, etc.
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